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Monday, January 27, 2020

New song? Only Rabbi Nachman!

New song שיר חדש

King David has all kinds of songs but never “new song”.  New song is only Rabbi Nachman...

Na Nach Nachma Machman Meuman

(This is very big news)

Thursday, January 23, 2020

Saba suffered more than Rabbi Natan. So he is greater!?

Saba says he suffered more than Rabbi Natan

Saba said suffering is very good.  At the time he didn’t want to suffer more, but if he had known how good it was, he would have.  We also noticed how he would absorb the pain and disease of others onto himself and dissolve the problem from himself a short time afterwards.

I was could the persecution by others be good?  

My answer: it allows Gd to do the weeding of the garden, “mida kneged mida “ called tit for tat in English.  Give more rope so the punishment becomes more lethal.

The disease gets eliminated more thoroughly.

Tuesday, January 21, 2020

Did Rachel make a mistake by taking Laban magic?

Rachel took the Magic of Laban without informing her husband about it.  Just as Jacob did not tell Laban he was leaving, for fear of being tricked again.

Turns out that Rachel is cursed unknowingly by the Man of Truth as a result.

Was it a disagreement between Rachel and Jacob that led to
A family tragedy?  If so, who was right?

I believe Rachel was interested in “converting” Laban and his people.  Jacob was not.  

For this reason Jacob would not merit to bring up either Josef or his children or the mystical brother of Josef that Rachel knew would be born in the future.  Samson also ends up giving up his eyes in the interest of spreading the word to the other side.  Samson is also waiting for a second day, the judgment day (really revenge day) when the enemies of Gd will be separated from the tribes of men and the descendants of Benjamin will eliminate them. (Better to be thrown to the wolves).

Psalm 132. Ebay Ha Nachal is in the Efrat area.  The area that Rachel was heading for and which is more desirable than the place her body stopped.

Monday, January 20, 2020

Exodus or Names?

What the Christians call the book of Exodus, we call the book of Names!

It starts out with the names of the children of Jacob in order of natural birth with the mention of Rachel’s seed preceding.  The names of Gd happen to be revealed here also, but who ever notices that?

The name of Gd is also a bit mystical, “I am what I will be”. Is he revealed or not?

Que sera sera....

Very revealing indeed!  It’s almost like the crossing of the blessings between Menashe (associated with “House to you” Jerusalem) and Efraim (the discreet destination of Efrat/ wooded covered).

Almost like the dual life of Josef and Rabbi Nachman who both return to deal with their own holy mortal remains.

Thursday, January 16, 2020

Jerusalem or Efrat?

What will be first, Efrat or Jerusalem?

Look closely at the blessings of Efraim and Manasseh and who gets Bait Lachem (a House to you) and who gets Efrat.

Sunday, January 12, 2020

14 tribes or 12?

14 tribes?

If you count those getting a blessing from Jacob, the count is 14.  Shimon and Levi getting a “non-blessing” together (still I counted two tribes) while the place of Shimon is taken by Menashe (Menache and Efraim come BEFORE Ruven and Shimon).  Unlike the blessing of Moses, this Jacobs blessings follow date of birth except the first two.

Josef is taken aback about his sons being taken over by Jacob, but consoled by the mention that he gets Schem which at the time is a prize possession.  Right after “crossing the birthright” Jacob mentions Beit Lachem (house to you) and Efrat.  Seems these sons of the Priestess of Egypt, wife of Josef inherit Jerusalem and Efrat with the latter having MORE importance.

Pakod Pakodeti.  Gd is bringing you, but you must bring the Tzaddik.

Friday, January 10, 2020

Freedom will only be possible when....

Josef put himself in jail!!!

When Josef imprisoned his 10 brothers, he doomed his own exit from Egypt.  Three days is considered permanent in Halacha.

It would now be impossible for his brothers to keep the oath Gd asked him to make them take to him.(not sure where I got that)! Being a real tzaddik he by definition never makes mistakes and executes only the will of Gd.

One thing leading to the next, we see that the stature of Josef has declined significantly by the end of the life of Jacob because Josef doesn’t have direct access to Pharaoh.

Pharaoh is happy to get rid of a political opponent and escorts him to the border, honorably of course.  Egypt by not crossing the border meant to create a conflict between Esav and Jacob.  This would prepare for a future invasion of a weakened Canaan if needed but certainly to have military and economic superiority.

Because of the curse of Josef, called the curse of Pharaoh, Moses who was “born” from the Nile like Yehoshua would not be able to free a people bound by a promise and a Tzaddik doomed by an act.

Freedom will only be possible once the bones of Rabbi Nachman are in Jerusalem.

Wednesday, January 8, 2020

I Ra(Bibi) Nachman Iran
Mo ha Ran
Born in a Well must be THE Imam
Long live the Shah
Esther is our queen!

Push on I Ran to run the article...

Press here to see what appears on the horizon in the gulf

Saturday, December 28, 2019

Why praise and thank Gd for Wars?

Why give praise and thanks for Wars?

Wars are completely destructive for both sides.

Wars remind us that this world is a very minor and passing thing and that Gds’ world is spiritual and we are completely at his service.

Gd is the only qualified judge and War reminds us of that.


Three days imprisonment for the ten brothers

Yup, it would seem we are imprisoned by “chazaka” for ever more or until we keep the oath to Josef (which allows for negotiations).  If you read Likutey Moharan tenyana 63 you will see that Jacob sent the tenth song which was the way to liberate the ten and Benjamin.

People of the world, you can not escape the curse of a broken promise and slavery until Rabbi Nachman is brought to Jerusalem!

Thursday, December 26, 2019

ALWAYS happy?

If the BIG mitzvah is to
ALWAYS be happy, we are disqualified with our first cry.

Fortunately eight days later we enter the covenant and the first eight days are forgiven, we can again qualify, since we consider post-oath period to be pre-oath and certainly pre-mitsvah since a man without a word is hardly a man, and has no need to actually pray or bless using words.

What about people who keep their words and make enormous sacrifice and efforts to improve themselves and our planet, but have no conception of what I am writing about?

Such a person fills Hashem with mercy and the urge to allow Gd fearing men to keep their promise to Josef.

Speedily in our days

Tuesday, December 24, 2019

Rachel is dead

מה החלומ הזה אשר חלמת...(10:37)

What is this dream you dreamt?

רחל מת
Rachel is dead

Jacob knew why he chose to give the special clothing to his special son JOSEF.  The Bible says because he was the son of old age, but since Benjamin was younger this also is “polite talk”.

Jacob knew that Josef was different and recognizing the difference was important.  Gd had a special function for Josef, not all bees are created the same, even in spite of being created equal.  Merit has nothing to do with this difference, merit is measured at the end and possibly only Gd can determine this.

Jacob has a strange reaction to the second dream where Rachel does not appear.  Here we also notice that the second son of Rachel is not caught bowing to Josef any more than his mother. So Jacob makes the comment: What is this dream that you dreamt that I should come , should come I and your mother and brothers to bow down to you to the earth?

Well yes, the Tzaddik is the foundation of the earth!!  But it is not Josef, it is Nachman.Rabbi Nachman.

The repetition of “should come” in the sentence like “Nachamo, Nachamo” or “remember,remember” “for my TWO eyes” “another day like today” and many other unnecessary doubles (like the dream of Pharaoh) are about the Bis in Latin as opposed to the Bis in

Josef’s brother has certainly come and his bones will be brought at well.

Wednesday, December 18, 2019

Hamsa Hamsa

The World Federation of Moroccan Jewry awarded Yosef Nasralladin “abu Joel” at Gilat al Carmel yesterday with the Exemplary Figure of Moroccan Jewry Award.  Others that claim this title are The King of Morocco, His Excellency President Shimon Peres, Dr Andre Gasiowsky, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and many others in that category.

This was very different from all the others however.

In the Tora, the name Yitro is always attached to the title: “ father in law of Moses” Moses goes even further calling him “the eyeS” of Israel...  so if Bilaam who had ONE eye was on the level of Moses for the side of Evil, where would that put Yitro?

The TWO EYE issue is much much deeper than a true description by the holiest and most infallible leader of the Jewish People.  There is a connection to Josef who was “ben pourat ale Ayn” (eye in the singular).  Also to Rachel who asks to have another different son like the first who born out of 20 years of tears is not regular like Benjamin the right arm of Jacob.  Rachel begins a 3533 year cry ending this year 20/20 (perfect sight) just before the darkest hour, the day I discovered the anniversary of the Petek (5566 28 7) discovered on the 5th day of Hannukka.  Therefore the darkest day becoming the happiest day, the day the fate of Napoleon was sealed by a one eyed Admiral of the British Navy.

Pakod Pakodeti is an “unnecessary” repetition as is Zovhei ni na, zoche ni na (al Shte aynayim), nachamo nachamo ami (ish lo neader), Esther’s “od yom ke dat hayom”.

Indeed Moses words are a preparation for the future role of the Druz Nation and their function as the eyes of Israel.

I do not challenge Moses I try to understand him. If he hit the stone instead of speaking to it he could still have gone into Israel, hitting it twice was the error.  This second time there will be no need to hit us because we will invite the Yitro of our generation to participate in carrying the bones that Yehoshua Ben Nun himself could not carry without a holy minyan. 

Sunday, December 15, 2019

The ladder of life

The ladder of life

We see a type of competition between brothers throughout the Torah, but is it really a bad thing?

Moses gives out his blessings in “condescending” order to the tribes. Ruven first (but not because he is the oldest) Shimon gets no blessing at all, Yehuda is before Levi and Benjamin before Josef the tribe of the Tzaddik.  How can Josef be 5th on the level of merit only above the maidservants sons?

I think the levels represent different stages in a persons life, or in “evolution” of mankind.  The level of Shimon was not reached by Moses, since Shimon must be the one that carries Moses into the promised land! Keeping the promise that Moses left to be kept in the end of days.

Rabbi Nachman came in ALONE, and still left his bones in Uman for us to
ALSO have this merit.  So it seems keeping the promise from above makes you more worthy than the promise from below!(Brit).

In fact keeping the Brit from below is now #6, “neutral” center level.

The Brit from below is simply not to have any lust for women, money or food (Josef).  In Josef’s days this was remarkable, but today this is par for the course. When a young man’s blood boils in his youth this is difficult and he must content himself with being loyal to Jacob like the sons of the servants, who fight against their lust.

When the man reaches the level of Ruven he will abandon everything to remain attached to the Tzaddik, but he will hide his attachment and fight to help his brothers achieve their goals.  The highest level of all is to bring the bones to Jerusalem.

Thursday, December 12, 2019

Early Hannukka in the White House

Saba also had a problem with wanting to light up as soon as possible!

The eyes of Rachel, Samson, Jacob have been shut (and even crying) for a very long time however:
Dear Trump family,

The White House lighting ceremony was the greatest event in human history besides the binding of Isaac.

Ahead of 20/20 I feel our Hannukka eyes will now be opened.  What we will see is the keeping of the original promise made by the 70 children of truth (still immature at that time) Pakod Pakodeti (Mr Kushner can explain this word).

You need to know that I absolutely love your great family and that is a very real blessing, more importantly it is very well deserved.

The I-RAbbi Nachman deal is the most significant Israel accomplishment of the administration as Mr Bob Kraft said but this because the 12 th (Iranian ) Imam is Rabbi Na Nach Nachma Nachman that was indeed born in a well in Tiberius, Israel.

The Trump Administration is doing fine except that Rabbi Nachman is still buried in Uman and that is a great danger for all of us.

Only non-Jews can bring Rabbi Nachman to Jerusalem, which is the greatest of all blessings.  This alone will Unite Humanity and bring Peace to all.  We are all sinners, but Gd knows how to save all of us.  This is how he chose to do it.

Mordecai Spiro

Tuesday, December 10, 2019

History of biblical communication

Development of communication in the Houmash (shesh-> 6 not 5)!

Abraham would exchange gifts or ask to take an oath while holding hmmm.

Isaac would organize a symbolic feast and gifts.

Jacob would place a maker stone (like Bedouin’s)

Josef made them swear (spoken word alone) humanity was not yet ready for this type of simple honesty.
It did not “work” at all (yet).

Moses wrote on stone (very Egyptian)

Mordecai and Esther wrote on pamphlets.

In Yavneh they compiled archives.

The siddour was written the printed in Lemberg 

Printing came last to Morocco and Sefaradim (treated like Dehmis).

The Petek was received in Tiberius by Saba in 1922 and written by the hand of Rabbenu in 1805 (I suppose Rabbi Shimon brought it secretly to Israel in 1810).  It was seen by Moshe on Har Sinai and remained hidden until Saba asked for it to be printed for everyone before his death.

Promises must be kept.  As long as the oath from above is not kept our communication is faulty.

The reason English is spoken all over the world instead of French is that Rabbenu defeated Napoleon at Trafalgar by writing this letter.  The seas remained Gd fearing!

Monday, December 2, 2019

Women in the Torah

The progression of Abraham Isaac Jacob Josef (Moshe) also occurred for the matriarchs:

Sarah made the decision over Abraham concerning Ishmael

Rivka took over the leadership and birthright by ordering Jacob to fetch her a meal for Isaac.

Rachel became the de-facto branch from which Josef was born (Josef has No Physical Father, Jacob was his spiritual father). She also cries for the great unborn brother of Josef, which will be revealed in the future.

Esther steps way up ahead of all the above and of her spiritual zivoug by masterminding the Jewish nation and the Geula itself.

Maybe Messiach Ben Esther and Rachel is the appropriate new reality.

You may think this is strange, so do I. It is however very very logical.  Non Na Nach doesn’t really have a chance of catching on to this.

Monday, November 18, 2019

Negotiating with Gd

Why does Gd have to negotiate and why does Abraham stop at 10?  Is the lust of Sodom so punishable and bad before the 10 commandments were given?  Was the lack of hospitality punishable? Do we see a repetition of this in end of the book of Joshua (who needed 10 to carrying the bones) with the story of the concubine? Does the War of the 9 Kings excluding Abraham, represent the number 10?  Why did Abraham change locations to go live in Beer Sheva?  Why was Sarah so attractive at age 89? 


I think 10 are needed to fulfill the work of the saint and until Ischak was born Abraham needed to “convert” Abimelech in order to have a minyan that could replace him.

Sarah was attractive to Abimelech because he wanted to be holy.  He later gave armed protection to Abraham.  His merit made Zeresh (his great great grand daughter) Queen before Esther.

Odesser has a lot to do with ten and Rabbi Nachman said he could bring Messiah but preferred creating a minyan.

It takes 10 to carry the bones since the King is not eligible to do it.  If this doesn’t happen the Messiah will do it alone!

Monday, November 11, 2019

The three pointed shoe

The Tam would “make” shoes, while the Chacham would “use” his shoes.
The hands of Saba were raised in prayer while the hands of Cain/Esav were busy at work.

Josef was sold for shoes.  Making the three day tikkun (Esther/Purim) for the feast at the murder of Josef are only three points of Israel’s star.  The other three are needed for the heaven and earth symbol. Gd bless the Shabbat Seuda and the people of Ninve.  

Hope this made you happy.  Have a nice day!  Please appreciate three pointed shoes and three pointed hats.  Turn the L (noune) for Nahalaim over and get a r (Reish) for Rosh.  This is the Lr (Ner/ light) which we light for the Tzaddik.  Mein feiril votlien bis. 

Monday, October 28, 2019

Might be a serious turning point

Dear Mr President,

The deadline for a deal with North Korea is fast approaching.

Your successful presidency is appreciated by the Gd fearing (free world). BUT you don’t know that the North Korean crisis is connected to the Ukrainian crises and even the Iranian crises because all three are negotiating to avoid becoming nuclear powers.  

Ukraine gave up its arsenal under President Leonid Kravchuk who promised to dismantle his nuclear arsenal and give Israel Rabbi Nachman.  It seems THE PROMISE regarding Rabbi Nachman WAS NEVER KEPT and his close ties to North Korea did not save him from losing the largest merchant marine in the world (this happened because he forgot his promise).

Today Crimea is gone as well as the Donbas.  If I were North Korea or Iran, I would not want to follow in the footsteps of Ukraine.  Promise made promises kept is the missing element in the Ukrainian policy and is the reason for its failure. Getting rid of nuclear by itself will not bring Peace as we have all witnessed.  

You know China will invade North Korea if they have no nuclear weapons the way Russia invaded Ukraine. Iran rightfully fears Turkey, Russia and Saudi Arabia who would all join forces against Iran if they have no nuclear weapons (ISIS and Irak are no longer immediate threats, but could supply recruits).

It is one thing to give up nuclear weapons, but who do you trust for your defense?  Would USA give up its nuclear weapons?  USA has  a strong society and the strongest army in the world these countries have enemies and weak armies and corrupt economies.

You need to give these nations something they can believe in, THE TRUTH. North Korea did begin by sending the bodies of heroes and there are many more, I believe that was the right approach....stay the course.  The solution in Ukraine and everywhere else is keeping the promises.

George Washington (early Na Nach)

1 The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. 
2 I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. 
3 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. 
4 I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. 
5 The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
6 In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it. 
7 Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 
8 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 
9 The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. 
10 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. 
11 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. 
12 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. 
13 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. 
14 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands. 
15 In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? 
16 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government. 
17 All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. 
18 However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 
19 Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 
20 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 
21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 
22 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty. 
23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 
24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. 
25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 
26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. 
27 Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. 
28 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? 
29 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. 
30 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 
31 Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 
32 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim. 
33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 
34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. 
35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. 
36 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 
37 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 
38 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 
39 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? 
40 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. 
41 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 
42 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 
[43-50 omitted from some newspaper printings.]
43 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. 
44 How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 
45 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 
46 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. 
47 The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 
48 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. 
49 The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 
50 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 
51 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 

George Washington 
United States - September 17, 1796